Victorian Professions

A Professional Daughter: The voice of Emily Breare

Screen Shot 2016-03-22 at 11.32.51

Soprano, Emily Breare (1883-1967)
(Image source: http://www.operascotland.org/person/7621/Emily-Breare)

 

Professional projects took many forms for the families in our towns. Celebrated soprano, Miss Emily Breare (1883-1967) represented just such a project. A grand-daughter of our Leeds professional cohort, Emily lived an exciting professional life and fulfilled the ambitions of her own father’s professional project. Trained from an early age by her father, newspaper man William Hammond Breare (1858-1935) , she became well-respected and toured the county, even singing in the Proms at the Queens Hall in September 1907, conducted by Henry Wood.

William H. Breare (born in Massachusetts, US to an English father) had significant vocal talents of his own. Recognising this, when he was fourteen his parents sent him across the Atlantic to Yorkshire to train under F. W. Hirst. His father clearly had his own professional project in mind. In 1917 William recounted that:

“My father was born in Burley-in-Wharfedale, and in his youth was a member of the choir of the Parish Church of Otley. He went to America when he was 18 and settled. He was very musical. Could read anything at sight, play any instrument. Perhaps I inherited a little musical instinct from him. Anyway, I sang in America in public before I was five years old, and continued to do so until after I was 15. I was what is called a boy soprano; travelled long journey to sing anthems in churches and at festivals and other concerts. At one time 365 miles from Boston to New York every Saturday, returning on the Monday.”

Professionally, however, William appears in the Victorian Professions Project‘s database as the husband of Ellen Ackrill* (1851-1932) and rather than a vocal artist he made his career as a literary journalist (1881 Census) and then editor (1891 Census) of his father-in-law’s newspaper, the Harrogate Herald – a paper he would edit for over 50 years. William’s probate of £3353 17s 8d suggests this brought him a comfortable existence and plenty of means to support his daughter in her own professional vocal career. His sons would follow him into the newspaper instead.

 

William Hammond Breare

William Hammond Breare (1858-1935)
(Image source: see Notes)

William also seems to have continued his interest in professional music by means of the pen, authoring Vocalism from an English Standpoint (1904), Elocution. Its First Principals (1905) and Vocal Faults and their Remedies (1907). He also coached his daughter using his extensive music collection, until she was noticed by gifted choir trainer Dr. Henry Coward and her professional career took off. The latter engaged her as his principal soprano for a tour of Canada with the Sheffield Choir in 1908. The 200 strong choir performed at the Montreal Arena to an audience of 4000. The Montreal Gazette declared the event a huge success and choral singing at its best. After a somewhat wobbly start (probably due to nerves), Emily redeemed herself and was specifically praised for her soprano solo of ‘I Know that my Redeemer Liveth and ‘Elizabeth’s Prayer.

Returning triumphant, the celebrated Sir Frederick Bridge recommended her for Callirhoe with the Reading Philharmonic Society shortly afterwards. ‘Flexibility’, ‘power’ and ‘ease’ were all words used to describe Emily’s delivery in the press and the Reading Observer remarked: “Of Miss Breare it is impossible to speak too highly”. Success clearly lead to a life on the road. In 1908 she received high praise for a voice that was “clear as a crystal” in the Tonypandy Harmonic Society Christmas Oratorios (Rhondda, Wales). The next summer Emily was back in Wales again, making her first appearance in the esteemed pier concerts in Llandudno for the first time, alongside Madame Ada Crossley, an Australian singer. Their photos dominated the page in the Llandudno Advertiser, which informed its readers that Emily had the highest credentials, having been one of the Carl Rosa’s Opera Company and that she was also engaged later in the season with the Moody Manners, another touring opera company. Both companies were principal training grounds for British artist before World War One.

 

Emily Breare & Ada Crossley

Emily Breare & Ada Crossley in the Llandudno Advertiser, 17th July, 1909

 

Back on the road again for a more unusual event in December 1910, Emily performed the Messiah with the Western District Choral Society to 100 prisoners at Wormwood Scrubbs Prison. The prisoners were asked not to applaud and to treat the performance as part of their regular chapel service. Apparently more than once their feelings got the better of them and there was some humming and stamping of feet. When Emily performed ‘Come unto Me, the press reported that “many a hand was furtively raised to wipe away a tear…hardened perhaps as they were, [they] could not resist the wonderful power and charm of the singer’s voice”.   The following December we find her in Bournemouth performing the Messiah with British bass singer Robert Radford and the new Bournemouth Municipal Choir (see image), a very grand civic event and quite the opposite of her trip to prison.

 

Bournemouth Municipal Choir

Bournemouth Municipal Choir, December 1911
[Emily is front of stage, viewers left, next to the gentleman with his hands on his knees.]

 

Did Yorkshire remain ‘home’ for Emily despite her professional travels? It is difficult to tell. In the census of 1911 she was boarding in St. Giles and Bloomsbury at the Montague Hotel but this may have been linked to a specific engagement and she seems to have been in demand far and wide. She gives her occupation in that census as ‘Principal Soprano’ and specifically names the Peterhead Choral Society (near Aberdeen). Certainly the next year she is actually in Scotland performing at The Kinnaird Hall, Dundee in the role of Margeurite in the Damnation of Faust, accompanied by the Scottish Orchestra. Wherever she regarded home to be, it is clear that Emily had a long career as a professional singer and was still performing in her forties. There is a record of her performing as a soloist in Birmingham with the Birmingham Choral Union in 1922, conducted by Richard Wasssell, and a few years later in a Yorkshire Evening News concert arranged and directed by Cecil Moon in 1925.

I could not find any evidence of Emily having married or having had children alongside her career but it does seem plausible that she returned to Harrogate to live with her wider family there. Certainly buried there in 1967, having lived to age 86, she shares a commemoration stone in Harlow Hill Cemetery, Harrogate with her brother Robert Ackrill Breare (1878-1955), who had been a newspaper man like their father. There is no mention of her successful career as the soprano with “a voice like crystal”.

Dr. Alison C Kay

Notes

* Ellen’s father, Robert Ackrill (1816-1894), is one of our Leeds cohort for 1851. A former printer, he first became the editor of the Harrogate Herald before later becoming its owner. In the 1870s he also purchased the rival paper, the Harrogate Advertiser. The Breare’s eventually took ownership and a family newspaper dynasty was born, lasting until the 1980s.

 

Further reading & links

Proms 1907: http://www.bbc.co.uk/events/r6np5v/by/date/1907/09/16

W.H. Breare, “To Our Boys on Service”, Harrogate Herald, 27th June 1917: http://www.harrogatepeopleandplaces.info/ww1/breareletters/19170627.htm

Image of W.H. Breare: http://www.harrogateadvertiser.co.uk/news/rembering-a-patriot-and-great-editor-wh-breare-1-5006875

Montreal Gazette Nov 3, 1908: https://news.google.com/newspapers?nid=1946&dat=19081103&id=frs0AAAAIBAJ&sjid=7YQFAAAAIBAJ&pg=1507,150996&hl=en

The Rhondda Leader: http://papuraunewydd.llyfrgell.cymru/view/3830207/3830210

Bournemouth Choral Society: http://bschorus.co.uk/userfiles/files/BookPDFs/History_All_JM150910.pdf

Kinnaird Hall: http://www.operascotland.org/tour/2356/Damnation-de-Faust-1912

Wormwood Scrubbs Concert: http://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/cgi-bin/paperspast?a=d&d=CHP19110204.2.37

Llandudno Advertiser: http://newspapers.library.wales/view/3656568/3656571/12/emily

Yorkshire Evening News Concert: http://genome.ch.bbc.co.uk/0757660dad4944dd929440120cc49576

Birmingham Choral Union: http://www.birminghamchoralunion.org.uk/wordpress/wp-content/media/BCU-Concert-Record-1800-1959.pdf

 

 

Advertisements

Capturing social capital

529

Dowlais employees wearing the uniforms of the Twelfth Glamorganshire Volunteer Rifle Corps. Dowlais House, 1870. Showing front row: Dr. Burns; William Jenkins [seated]; George T Clark, trustee seated]; Dr. Pearson Cresswell [seated]. Back row: M.C. Harrison; Matthew Hirst; Edward Williams; Matthew Truran; William Menelaus, general manager; George Martin; David James. Photograph courtesy of Glamorgan Archives, Wales.

 

An important part of our project is attempting to chart the interconnected nature of professional men and their families in the nineteenth century, and the photograph above is a wonderful representation of this.

William Jenkins (seated left on the front row) is one of the project’s cohort members, and the subject of another blog entry. He was connected to Edward Williams (standing third from left behind William) through the marriage of his daughter, Alexandra Octavia, to Edward’s son Penry. William and Edward were both members of the South Wales Institute of Engineers and the North of England Mining and Mechanical Engineers alongside Matthew Truran (stood to Edward’s left) and Matthew’s father Samuel (who sadly died in 1860 when a faulty pipe leaked poisonous gas into his office). However their connection ran even deeper, with newspaper reports of Matthew’s funeral revealing that Edward’s son Penry and his brother Aneurin (M.P for Middlesbrough) were Matthew’s nephews, thus making Edward and Matthew brothers-in-law, as well as colleagues.

Alongside volunteering together in the Twelfth Glamorganshire Volunteer Rifle Corps, and working together in the Dowlais Works, many of these men and their families also held important positions in the local community. David James (standing, far right) was the cousin of cohort members Frank James, who served for many years as Registrar to Merthyr Tydfil, and on the committees of the Merthyr Board of Guardians and School Board, and Charles Herbert James who served as M.P. for Merthyr Tydfil and was chairman of the Merthyr Newspaper Company.

It seems that the relationships and connections between the men who posed in their smart uniforms in front of Dowlais House in 1870 are almost too numerous to count. Yet the scope of the Professions project allows us to examine the professional and personal interactions of these men on a scale that has not previously been attempted. This analysis is slowly revealing an incredibly complex and intricate network of social capital, a concept that was central to defining and enforcing the boundaries of the professional classes.

 

Dr Jennifer Aston

Guest blog: Henry Harwood & the artist’s profession in Dundee

In the late 19th century, Dundee became one of the major art centres of Britain. When the Dundee Graphic Arts Association was founded in 1890, many of Scotland’s most notable artists wrote from Edinburgh or London to express their opinions of the city in the most enthusiastic terms. John Pettie claimed that “Dundee has been and is one of the art centres of the North”, while William Darling McKay proposed it as “perhaps the most vital centre of art appreciation in Scotland.”

At the beginning of the 19th century, Dundee was a small but reasonably prosperous town noted for its shipbuilding and linen production. The rapid development of the jute industry saw the population quadruple and an extraordinary amount of wealth generated for the factory owners, many of whom turned to art collecting as a way of showing off their new-found prosperity. They sought out and befriended leading painters of the day such as William McTaggart and George Paul Chalmers, commissioning them to create pictures for their ever-increasing mansions. But they also began to encourage local talent for the first time.

Before the mid-19th century, even the most talented Dundee artist had to travel to make a living – to Edinburgh and London in the case of the Simson brothers (George, William and David); to Italy and India for George Willison; and to Paris and Rome in the case of John Zephaniah Bell. Writing in 1906, the architect and art collector T S Robertson recalled those painters that stayed in Dundee and tried to make ends meet: “There were three artists in Dundee 50 years ago who were all portrait painters – Harwood, Stewart, and Macgillivray [sic]… Dundee in those days was not able to support three portrait painters, and although Harwood, as far as I know, never painted out of Dundee, the others occasionally had to find employment in neighbouring towns.” Of these three painters, George McGillivray is better known for his topographical paintings; John Stewart is known only through a few surviving medical portraits; but the best-known and most intriguing character is Henry Harwood.

 

Screen Shot 2015-09-13 at 22.08.38

Untitled etching by Henry Harwood (University of Dundee Museum Services)

 

Born in Ireland in 1803, Harwood was the son of Lieutenant Coleshurst, who had retired from the Royal Navy and married an actress, changing his name to Harwood when he too took to the stage. He died when young Henry was still in infancy and his widow came to Dundee seeking work in the theatre (another increasingly popular profession at the time). Harwood soon earned a reputation as a painter, his first major commission being a monumental frieze for the Shoemakers’ Room in the Trade House, representing the procession of St Crispin (now on permanent display in The McManus: Dundee’s Art Gallery & Museum).

In 1821 he achieved considerable notoriety when he created his best-known work, a caricature of Dundee worthies called The Executive, which was widely reproduced as an engraving. Satirising the town’s most influential men was not an obvious route to success – indeed it had already seen the end of another artist’s career. Robert Mudie came to Dundee in 1808 as drawing master at the Academy. His interest in politics led him to join the Town Council, but when he began writing satirical accounts accusing his fellow councillors of corruption, they took a dim view of his sense of humour and he was forced to resign his post and flee to London (where among other things he became editor of the Sunday Times).

Screen Shot 2015-09-13 at 22.17.59

The Executive, engraving after a painting by Henry Harwood (University of Dundee Museum Services)

 

Unlike Mudie, Harwood seems to have been forgiven, since he later received various commissions by members of the Town Council for more flattering portraits. These included Provosts William Lindsay and Alexander Lawson, and his clients also included the local aristocracy – Lord Kinnaird commissioned him to paint “Whistle o’er the lave o’t”, a humorous scene of a hen-pecked husband. It was later acquired by the dentist Dr John Stewart and was singled out by the Dundee Courier as a particular highlight of his extensive art collection.

Harwood’s early success was not sustained. “His admirers were thus encouraged to expect him to rise to greater eminence than he did,” T S Robertson recalled. Financial problems were not helped by a struggle with alcoholism, and he died “in straitened circumstances” in 1868. Robertson felt that his ultimate failure was caused by “his not being able to come into contact with associates at least as capable as himself.” But, as was later reported in the City Echo, “several of those who appreciated his genius erected a memorial over his grave in the Eastern Cemetery. The [site] is enclosed with a railing – a portion … having been set aside as a burying ground for artists who may die in Dundee, having neither friends nor relatives to afford them a last resting-place.”

This magnanimous scheme was led by Robert Cowie, owner of the Theatre Royal in Castle Street. Cowie had previously worked as a painter and decorator and was known for his extensive knowledge of art. He had sat for a portrait by Harwood (as had various other theatrical figures in Dundee) and owned several other examples of the artist’s work. A group calling themselves “Robert Cowie Inst. Artists” purchased three lairs in the Eastern Cemetery, Harwood being interred in the first. As it transpired, only one other person was ever buried in one of these lairs – a decorative painter called John P Jerome who died aged 24 in 1873, leaving a widow and child.

Harwood is an interesting example of the precarious nature of the artistic profession, both financially and socially. Although he struggled to maintain respectability during his lifetime, Harwood’s paintings became fashionably collectible in the decades following his death, and many are now in the city’s permanent collection. Later critics did not hesitate to sing his praises – in Dundee Celebrities of the Nineteenth Century, William Norrie described Harwood as “an artist whose presentiments were such as only genius could give.” By the end of the Victorian era, Dundee would be home to dozens of professional artists, working as painters, sculptors, printmakers and newspaper artists. The rapid growth of art education in the city, and the establishment of membership bodies such as the Graphic Arts Association, helped professionalise the art workers of Dundee – but it all came too late for Henry Harwood.

 

By Matthew Jarron,

Curator of Museum Services,

University of Dundee

 

References

Part of this text is drawn from my forthcoming book Independent and Individualist: Art in Dundee 1867-1924 (Dundee: Abertay Historical Society, 2015).

 

Other sources:

Anon, ‘Dundee Artists’, Celtic Annual 1918-9, pp15-17.

The City Echo May 1908.

Dundee Courier 13/4/1877.

Dundee Courier 8/3/1886.

Dundee Graphic Arts Association Annual Report 1890 (Dundee Central Library, Local History Centre).

A H Millar, ‘Sketch of Art in Dundee in the Nineteenth Century’, Graphic Arts Association Annual Report 1900 (Dundee Central Library, Local History Centre)

A H Millar, Illustrated Catalogue of the Pictures in the Dundee Corporation Collection, Albert Institute and other Departments of the Dundee Public Libraries Committee (Dundee: 1926).

William Norrie, Dundee Celebrities of the Nineteenth Century (Dundee: Wm Norrie, 1873).

T S Robertson, ‘Reminiscences of Old Dundee – Its Fine Art’, Dundee Courier 17/12/1906.

 

See the Your Paintings website at www.bbc.co.uk/yourpaintings/ for many fine examples of Harwood’s work.

Great expectations: sons, daughters and the professional project

Ottilie_McLaren

Ottilie McLaren, c.1900
©  Musee Rodin, Paris.
(Reproduced in Sian Reynolds’ Paris-Edinburgh: Cultural Connections in the Belle Epoque (Ashgate, 2007), p.67.)

 

The overarching question of the Victorian Professions Project is whether the professions, as a group, were energized by a professional project. Did sons and sons-in-law enter the same or similar professions to their fathers; rise through the ranks and then in turn order more of the same for their own sons? Were daughters married off into families of allied professionals and was marriage outside of the professions uncommon and perhaps an annuitant-spinsterhood preferred? We can certainly see evidence of this type of project in our emerging cohort database but we are also revealing families for which the project never really gets off the ground, derails abruptly or just didn’t progress in the fashion intended. Just such a father’s frustration with his son’s career choice survives in the letters and family papers of Greenock physician, James Wallace (1826-1904) and his son William (1860-1940). This clash of wills also leads us via William’s marriage to a family of fascinating women – creative professionals and political campaigners in their own right, with all the verve, vigour and society-improving intentions of their male peers.

 

James Wallace

Dr James Wallace (1826–1904) by unknown artist
© McLean Museum and Art Gallery – Inverclyde CouncilMore about image copyright
http://www.bbc.co.uk/arts/yourpaintings/paintings/dr-james-wallace-18261904-183528

 

James Wallace M.D., the ambitious son of a wire-spinning merchant, was a dedicated and devoted medic, a keen reformer of public heath in his town of Greenock. He was a determined and aspirational man who expected his son William to continue what he regarded as henceforth the family profession. Married well to Mary Williamson (1825-1892), the daughter of the Greenock procurator fiscal, George Williamson (1792-1854) – a very well-established man locally – James invested heavily in his son. When William veered away from his initial training in medicine and chose music instead, his father raged. His surviving letters reveal that he was deeply and furiously disappointed that his son did not follow him into his profession, especially after he had provided William with such a very expensive school education at Fettes.

Although trained as an ophthalmologist and a graduate of Glasgow University (1888), William’s heart was not in climbing the ranks of the medical profession. He served successfully as a medic during the war but otherwise resisted his father’s professional project and devoted himself to a career in musical composition. Although money was an issue, he did eventually marry well – to the upper class Ottilie McLaren (1875-1947), daughter of Lord McLaren – which must have surely pleased his father.

 

William Francis Wallace

William Francis Stuart Wallace (b. 3 Jul. 1860 – d.1940)
http://www.musicweb_international.com/wallace/index.htm?PHPSESSID=58312487013eab3bbfc267e6a0cefe7d

 

 

Ottilie Helen McLaren was the youngest daughter of Lord John McLaren (Lord Advocate of Scotland in Gladstone’s government) and Ottilie Schwabe descended from a wealthy Scottish-German Jewish family. Training first in Scotland under Pittendrigh MacGillivray, Ottilie persuaded her parents to let her go to Paris unaccompanied where she became a pupil of Auguste Rodin between 1897-1901 and would become recognized as a creative professional in her own right. Ottilie and William’s courtship was a long one. Her father insisted that his income as a musician should be no less than £600 a year before he and Ottilie could marry. This prolonged their engagement for nine years. Lord McLaren noted: ‘I have a very good opinion of Mr Wallace’s talent and industry, and it is only the fact of his having taken up a rather unremunerative profession that makes the difficulty.’ [See Sources & National Library of Scotland: MS 21535] Their separation as Ottilie pursued her art provoked a sizeable correspondence between them—Wallace wrote almost daily—letters preserved in a series of small books, covered with white vellum and fastened with coloured ribbon. They were finally married on 11 April 1905 in St Giles’ Cathedral, Edinburgh.

Although very little remains of Ottilie’s work, we know that she was admitted to Royal Society of British Sculptors (A.R.B.S.). She was also invested as an Officer, Order of the British Empire (O.B.E.). For much of his creative life as a composer, William remained independent of musical institutions and societies. Later, however, he was a committee member of the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music and served as honorary secretary of the Royal Philharmonic Society and the Society of British Musicians in the years before the outbreak of war. In 1924, at the invitation of John Blackwood McEwen, he joined the staff of the Royal Academy as a professor of harmony and composition, a post he retained until the year before his death. Though based in London, he and Ottilie bought a retirement home, Westport House, in Malmesbury, where he died on 16 December 1940 from bronchitis and the effects of Parkinson’s disease.

It would be nice to round off this blog post by looking to William and Ottilie’s children’s professions, however they didn’t have any children. We can however look backwards and across at Ottilie’s female relatives to see whether her independence was unusual within her own family’s ‘project’. It would seem that an independent and adventurous spirit was encouraged amongst the McLaren womenfolk. Her grandfather, Duncan McLaren (1800-1886), raised himself from poor origins and little formal education to be Lord Provost of Edinburgh and an M.P. His third wife, Pricilla Bright (1815-1906), was a woman who took women’s suffrage support to be her vocation. Pricilla was the sister of Quaker, British Radical and Liberal statesman John Bright and temperance and suffrage campaigner Margaret Bright Lucas. Indeed she founded the Scottish division of the National Society for Women’s Suffrage. Both she and Duncan campaigned against the Contagious Diseases Acts and were active abolitionists.

Priscilla McLaren

Priscilla McLaren by Elliott & Fry, 1880s
© National Portrait Gallery, London

 

This particular project clearly passed down to the next generation. Ottilie’s aunt (step-daughter of Pricilla McLaren), Helen Rabagliati, MBE (née Bright McLaren) (1851-1934), was a local philanthropist and campaigner for improvements in health, women’s condition and political change. For example, she founded a hospice and a maternity home for young women. Another aunt, this time life-long spinster Agnes McLaren (1837-1913), was both a suffrage campaigner and a doctor. In the 1890s, Agnes began studying medicine in Montpellier and Dublin and thereafter practiced as a GP in France. She joined the roman Catholic Church in 1898 and campaigned for Catholic nuns to be trained for medical missions abroad (an aim fulfilled after her death.) In addition, Ottilie’s cousin, Laura McLaren (1881-1964), the daughter of Charles McLaren, 1st Baron Aberconway (1850-1934), was also an activist and was awarded the Mons Star and mentioned in despatches for her work in running a hospital in France during the first months of the First World War. She was also a Trustee of Imperial War Museum and Justice of the Peace for London.

Florence McLaren

Florence Priscilla McLaren- by Bassano Ltd, 1917 
© National Portrait Gallery, London
http://archive.is/biPe

 

By Alison C Kay

 

 

 

Sources

National Library of Scotland: MS 21504, cl2 and MS 21505, c53

 

‘Mrs Ottilie Helen Wallace’, Mapping the Practice and Profession of Sculpture in Britain and Ireland 1851-1951, University of Glasgow History of Art and HATII, online database 2011 http://sculpture.gla.ac.uk/view/person.php?id=msib6_1250520827 (Last accessed May 16th, 2015)

 

Carson, Valerie (1999), ‘A Protean Spirit’: William Wallace: artist, composer and catalyst. Durham theses: MA, 1999, Durham University. E-Theses online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4482/1/4482_1946.PDF

“His father’s sense of betrayal is evident in the surviving family letters at the National Library of Scotland, and it would appear that his outlet for these feelings was in the form of rage and verbal abuse. Their differences of opinion were a recurring cause of contention between the two men, in spite of the son’s redeeming claim that he had saved his father’s life after an operation where he lost a finger, in about 1891.” [National Library of Scotland: MS 21504, cl2 and MS 21505, c53]

 

Sian Reynolds, Paris-Edinburgh: Cultural Connections in the Belle Epoque (Ashgate, 2007).

 

A Gude cause maks a strong arm’: Biographical sketches of leading figures in the women’s suffrage movement around the time of the Edinburgh procession and women’s demonstration of 1909. (Edinburgh Council) http://www.edinburghmuseums.org.uk/PDFs/WS-Biog.aspx [Last accessed: May 16th, 2015.]

All Creatures Great and Plagued: a Scottish Veterinary Surgeon in America

men

© Manitoba Archives.

British Boundary Commission Officers; among them are astronomers, geographers and a Scottish veterinary surgeon, named W.G. Boswell (sitting front row, far right, whip in hand). 

The American Frontier has been a draw for children and adults around the globe ever since European empires began to steal their way into North America. With its mesmeric mix of romance, lawlessness, exploration, industry and brutal wars (pitched between Europeans, Native Americans Mexicans and the newly established American nationals), it became a myth in its own time and a draw for adventurers of every ilk and nationality. This includes a fascinating Dundee veterinary surgeon, James Wighton Booth (1850-92), who also worked in North America and Canada in the 1870s. This was a time when the veterinary profession was establishing itself globally and his family’s history may be closely linked to their professional experiences of that time.

The Dundee Trade Directory of 1850 lists his father, George Booth (1818-68), as veterinary surgeon at Meadowside Road, Dundee. At this time, veterinary surgeons were derogatorily called ‘Horse doctors’ and polite society considered them largely with the illiterate and labouring classes. Nevertheless, it was a fledgling profession in George’s lifetime. A Royal Charter in 1844 recognised veterinary surgeons as a profession and gave colleges the power to administer examinations. Almost three decades after the Medical Act, there also came the Veterinary Surgeons Act of 1881, which legally ratified the qualified practitioner. Although George may have been untrained – as were many practising veterinary surgeons – he may also have been one of the pioneering veterinary surgeons who qualified at Scotland’s first veterinary college. William Dick was the son of an Aberdeenshire farrier, but he established the Clyde Street Veterinary College in Edinburgh in 1839. A contemporary description of William Dick’s lectures noted that above his head was ‘suspended a portion of inflated and injected intestine, with its mesenteric expansion dangling in the air, something like a lure for flies; whilst all around the room, and especially in the corners, are heaped together vast quantities of diseased bones, and other preparations, seemingly without order, and without arrangement.’ From inauspicious beginnings the College gained global renown, later becoming The Royal (Dick) School of Veterinary Studies at the University of Edinburgh.

Similarly to William Dick, George Booth was born in Aberdeenshire, the son of Alexander, a blacksmith, before moving to Dundee in the 1830s. George married Margaret Buist and together they had 3 children: Margaret, Christina and James. Whilst Margaret has proved elusive to trace, Christina had two illegitimate children with David Inglis Rea, a forest labourer from Glamis, Forfarshire. Of those, George Rea Booth (1865-1909) rose to Master Mariner, but, speculatively, perhaps his scandalous birth may have hastened his grandfather’s death – George (snr) died of ‘supposed…cramp of the heart.’ Christina and her two children continued to live with the widowed Margaret. George’s son, James Wighton Booth, meanwhile had trained as a veterinary surgeon, and in 1872 he is listed as veterinary surgeon, 30 Meadow Place, Dundee.

James married Isabella Paton (c1850-1883) in 1870, in accordance with the Free Church in Dundee. They had at least six children, of which two were born in the USA, one in Canada and the rest in Scotland. Emigrating Scots were not unusual for this time, nor were the Booths’ destinations. Nonetheless, James’ occupation as a veterinary surgeon, and the fact that he returned to Scotland to continue practising, do indicate a less than usual story. To the vexing conundrum of image and reality that all historians face, it immediately poses the question of what sort of veterinary surgeon was James Wighton Booth?

Even as the Wild West was waning, American ‘heroes and villains’ were using media and international touring to bring the symbolism of their young nation to the rest of the world. For example, there is a striking image (held in Birmingham City Archives) of William F. Cody – a.k.a. Buffalo Bill – parading his Wild West show through the streets of Birmingham in 1900. A postmodern eye just cannot help to be entranced by the convoluting layers of constructed reality, nationalism, imagery and ‘history’ working in tandem. Hollywood renditions of the Wild West have placed the clash between image and reality in our international subconscious, but this seems a universe away from Dundee and its Jute manufacturing citadel. It is tempting to imagine an Elliot-esque ‘All Creatures Great and Small’ ‘Vet’ relocating from a Scottish idyll to the wilds of North America. But perhaps his travels were likely to have been a little more down to earth, if no less exciting.

In the 1860s and 1870s, North America and Canada were suffering from what was commonly called ‘bovine plague’. The nation’s livestock was valued at multi-millions of US dollars (billions in today’s terms) and the annual loss hampered economic growth. At this time, the huge cattle drives, made famous in countless mid-twentieth century Hollywood blockbusters, were re-directed and blocked by local ranchers and farmers. The context explains the antipathy towards cattle drivers who left devastated cattle in their wake – and huge economic losses. Kansas, Missouri, Indiana and Illinois all suffered huge losses, leading to some states prohibiting the driving of cattle through their lands. The birthplaces of three of James’ children place him tantalising close to the epicentre of America’s ‘bovine plague’: Canada (1872); 1874 Michigan (1874); 1875 Ohio (1875).

Screen Shot 2015-05-11 at 13.32.23

Source: Buffalo Bill Wild West Annual (London: Purnell & Sons, Ltd., 1959) © T.V. Boardman & Co., Ltd.

The US Department of Agriculture was founded in 1862 to analyse the impact of the diseases in North America. J.R. Dodge, a statistician, revealed that contagious pleuro-pneumonia was spreading westward and that cattle fever (a plight in Britain too) was causing loss of cattle across the nation. ‘Blackleg, abortion, glanders, distemper, anthrax and buffalo gnats’ were also causing severe loss of animals. Horses were also affected by a wide variety of diseases, and swine were so infected that Dodge considered them ‘unfit for consumption’. In turn, veterinary surgeons were commissioned and despatched from the UK to carry out research in the Americas, of which many had originated from (and qualified in) Scotland. For example, the Ontario Board of Agriculture visited Professor William Dick in Edinburgh because they were concerned about the plagues decimating European cattle. Dick suggested one of his graduates, Andrew Smith (1834-1910), who went out to Canada to advise and teach veterinary surgery, establishing the Ontario Veterinary College in 1862. Other Scottish ‘Vets’ founded institutes, such as Cornell University’s veterinary faculty, the veterinary department at Harvard University, Chicago Veterinary School and Montreal Veterinary College. This research is a work in progress, and, presently, we do not know what role James Booth played in this broader context, but it is tempting to imagine that he was in some capacity involved in this transnational veterinary history.

References

B.W. Bierer, A Short History of Veterinary Medicine in America (Michigan State University Press, 1955)

J.M. Isa and C.A.V. Barker, ‘Walter George Boswell: Veterinary Surgeon for the British North American Boundary Commission of 1872-76’, The Canadian Veterinary Journal 31 (1990): pp. 715-22.

S.D. Jones, Valuing Animals: Veterinarians and their Patients in Modern America (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002)

RCVS Knowledge, an independent charity associated with the Royal College of Veterinary Surgeons (RCVS). http://rcvsknowledgelibraryblog.org/page/2/

University of Edinburgh, The Royal (Dick) School of Veterinary Studies: http://www.ed.ac.uk/schools-departments/vet/about/history/clyde-street

Birmingham City archives

http://www.birmingham.gov.uk/cs/Satellite?c=Page&childpagename=Lib-Central-Archives-and-Heritage%2FPageLayout&cid=1223092755490&pagename=BCC%2FCommon%2FWrapper%2FWrapper

Dr. Kim Price

New Exchange and Shipping from West Dock Gate (1836)

Beyond Jute: dynasty and diversity in Dundee

The diversity of the British Isles has continually engaged politicians, analysts and academics, fuelling fierce debates. Recently, the Scottish referendum on independence highlighted the contrasts and commonalities between, particularly, England and Scotland. Moreover, it raised the issue of intra-regional dissimilitude; the depth of difference within Scotland itself. There were variations in voting and opinions about independence that manifested in distinct preferences within certain places, such as Dundee; a city with a population that voted with a relatively strong majority for Yes. What those voting trends mean for present-day Scottish politics and society is beyond the ambit of this historical project about Victorian professions. Nonetheless, the emotive politics give an immediate indication of the regional challenges facing our study, which also underpins the subject of this post: Dundee.

Over one hundred Dundee professionals have been drawn from the 1851 census (a full list of the Dundee cohort can be seen here . We have then attempted to trace their parents (and grandparents where possible), together with their children and grandchildren. Subjects and themes become apparent as networks and family trees are formed. However, given the national and regional contrasts, described above, a central question immediately bubbles to the surface: Does our Dundee cohort reflect wider trends in the Victorian professions – and, if it does, to what extent? We need to know if the Dundee cohort of professional men, taken from the 1851 census, is emblematic of (or contrastive with) wider British, Scottish, Angus or Dundee trends. Distinctly Scottish themes need to be teased apart from those of England and Wales. We therefore need to garner information and data on the local, national and international ties of Dundee professionals.

New Exchange and Shipping from West Dock Gate (1836)

New Exchange and Shipping from West Dock Gate (1836); copyright unknown, reproduced with the kind permission of ElectricScotland

 

The history of Dundee is a fascinating mix of seafaring, politics, industry and manufacturing. A historical tour of the Victorian landscape would not be complete without making reference to the jute industry, which – forgive the pun – is weaved throughout our Dundee cohort. To name but a few of the interested parties, fortunes were made by merchants, bankers and entrepreneurs. Yet, an over-focus on the jute industry can block out the range of professional life within Dundee City and its suburban conurbations. As such, a future post will discuss the long shadow of the jute industry on the professions in Dundee. This post will instead focus on professional life beyond the oft-lamented mono-history of employment in this important Scottish city. The joining of the Brodie and Paul families in 1855 therefore provides an unusual glimpse into professional life in nineteenth-century Dundee.

In this post, George Brodie (1802-1860) is our cohort member. The son of a Harbourmaster (John Brodie), the censuses of 1841 and 1851 denote George’s occupation as ‘Auctioneer’. This reflects a surprising fluidity across generations of Dundee professionals. Tight circles of movers and shakers influenced Dundee, with some families forging effective dynasties, but they and their offspring pursued a wide variety of careers. While not strictly a profession, auctioneers were part of a growing commercial class, of which some sections were moving towards professional status. The Dundee Directory of 1850 describes George as ‘auctioneer, appraiser and commission agent’. His business address was in Reform Street, but he and his family resided in Union Street. Between the 1841 and 1851 censuses, George moved the family to Edinburgh, while he lodged at Union Street in Dundee. He died in 1860, but seems to have left a comfortable annuity for his widow, Elisabeth, and their seven surviving children. Elisabeth (maiden name, Winlack), became head of the family. Their servants decreased from three to one, but Elisabeth managed to retain a single servant over the three decades of her life as a widow. According to the censuses, the family moved several times, before settling in Lanarkshire between 1871 and 1881. Two of the daughters, Cecelia and Georgina, remained with their mother. They had no occupation and died as spinsters – although Cecilia became head of the household after Elisabeth’s death, and remained so for the next two decades. Their income came from George’s legacy (possibly increased by investment) and regular boarders in their house. Three further daughters, Jessie, Margaret and Helen, are presumed married; but, as yet, we have not identified their husbands, nor traced their married lives. The two remaining children, George and Elisabeth (to confuse matters), brought the family’s fortunes into a new era, under the wing of an old and established profession: the law.

George Brodie (junior) also lived with his mother until her death. He then migrated to London, where he was documented as a lodger in the censuses of 1891 and 1901. He had veered away from the more risky commercial exploits of his father (and the seamanship of his grandfather) to pursue the relative financial security and assured status of a legal career. George was educated at home, before taking an appointment in a ‘lawyer’s office’ in Edinburgh at the end of the 1850s. His career then progressed from a legal clerk to ‘writer and notary’, before he emerged in London as a fully-fledged solicitor in the 1891 census. The contrasts between migration to and from Scotland remain to be seen in this study, but Dundee does not seem to present a brain-drain. George seems to be going against the traffic of migrating professionals into the city in the mid- to late-Victorian period. His ambitions seem to have taken precedent. He remained a bachelor, with no known children.

George’s elder sister, Elisabeth, had meanwhile married Archibald Paul (1829-1885) in 1855. It is not clear if this marriage aided George’s career, but it seems reasonable to assume that it was not an impediment, given Archibald’s success. In 1850, Archibald was a writer for a legal firm in Castle Street, Dundee. Ten years later, he had progressed to solicitor, working at another office in the same street. By 1871, Archibald was a ‘Procurator Fiscal’ and Elisabeth’s occupation was named as ‘Procurator’s Wife’ in the census of that year, hinting at the status of this role. We have no image of Archibald, but there are many extant paintings of various procurators fiscal, including John Boyd Baxter, who we will return to in a subsequent post about the powerful Baxter family.

 John Boyd Baxter (1796–1882),

John Boyd Baxter (1796–1882), Procurator Fiscal of Farfarshire by Daniel Macnee, 1881;reproduced with the kind permission of Dundee Art Galleries and Museums Collection (Dundee City Council)

 

The procurator fiscal is a uniquely Scottish post. Although the term itself has origins in Roman law and Latin, the Scottish legal system and use of the procurators is something altogether different. For our Victorian professionals, it compounds the importance of local context. Scottish law differs greatly from its English counterpart. For example, there is no coroner in Scotland. The Procurator Fiscal is the public prosecutor responsible for the investigation of crime, and all sudden, suspicious or unexplained deaths. There is no equivalent in England and Wales. Scotland has led the Western world in legal medicine, creating a whole spectrum of legal practice within its borders in the nineteenth century. For example, the Edinburgh professor, Andrew Duncan (1744-1828), coined the term ‘medical jurisprudence’. Moreover, in 1856, knowledge of forensic medicine became essential for entry to the Faculty of Advocates (one of the most important professional bodies in Scottish legal practice). The use of medicine and forensic expertise in the courts impacted on the education and career structures of legal professionals in Scotland. It also created a range of legal fees, and a salaried post, that provided income for legal practitioners that would not have been available elsewhere. This rich and complex history has left a legacy. Today, Glasgow, Edinburgh and Dundee have become centres of expertise in forensic medicine.

The Dundee directory of 1882 further underpins the success of Archibald, who served as Procurator Fiscal and become a partner in one of the city’s legal practices, Paul, Dickie & Paul. Small wonder, then, that by the 1880s his health had become a growing concern. What kind of physiological ailment – whether it was mental or physical morbidity – is unclear from the 1881 census, but it lists Archibald as a boarder in a hydropathic centre in Stirlingshire, along with Elisabeth and two of their children. Their choice of care provider provides an insight into another aspect of nineteenth-century Scotland that interplays with our professional cohort. Given the district (Logie) we can surmise that Archibald stayed in the Bridge of Allan hydropathic centre, notable for Robert Louis Stevenson’s annual visits. It was also listed in Dr Thomas Linn’s international guide to hydropathic centres.

 Bridge of Allan Hydropathic

Bridge of Allan Hydropathic; reproduced from Library of Congress, no known restrictions on reproduction

 

Hydrotherapy was a semi-medical experience for much of the nineteenth century. As Janet Oppenheim has said, ‘hydropathic practitioners stressed the inextricable links that bound the nervous system to every bodily tissue’. It thus became the treatment of choice for professionals suffering from mental breakdown, depression and nervous disorders. These were places of rest and convalescence, generally associated with healthy living and abstinence (particularly, from alcohol and pharmaceuticals). Nonetheless, hydrotherapy was big business. It evolved into an indulgence of the professional and middle classes. Hydro-centres became forms of conspicuous consumption and health tourism; expensive and lavish hotel complexes set in beautifully bucolic landscapes. Turkish (Roman) baths, steam rooms and plunge pools typically formed the internal workings of a complex, while days were spent on scripture reading, religious attention, walking in fresh air and socialising.

Although the Paul family’s experience at Bridge of Allan would not have been a uniquely Scottish phenomenon, the industrial scale of hydrotherapy in Scotland was unusual. It was constructing water therapy centres disproportionately for its population size and in comparison to the rest of the British Isles. By 1891 there were 63 hydro centres in Britain, 20 of which were in Scotland. James Bradley, Marguerite Dupree and Alistair Durie observed of Scotland, ‘…between 1875 and 1884 over half of the total capital mobilized in the service sector can be attributed to the fourteen hydropathic establishments that were limited liability companies.’ Archibald and Elisabeth were therefore archetypal consumers for a health and leisure industry, which was at the height of its provision. Yet, over-investment and over-expansion was to lead to the rapid decline of the hydropathic industry in Scotland within a few years of their stay.

Whatever the reason for their hydrotherapy, Archibald died of heart disease in 1884 aged 56 years old. Elisabeth lived a further 16 years before her death at the age of 65. Together, they had 10 children. Of their three surviving sons, two went into law and the third became a commission agent. It seems to have been a life well-lived for Archibald, the son of a coachman and, Elisabeth, the daughter of an auctioneer. Nonetheless, despite a shaping of their own destinies, the experiences of the Brodie and Paul families reflect an intricate relationship with Scotland and Dundee.

 By Dr. Kim Price

 

Further Reading and Sources

 

Bradley, M. Dupree and A. Durie, ‘Taking the Water-Cure: The Hydropathic Movement in Scotland, 1840-1940’, Business and Economic History, 26, 2 (1977): pp. 426-37.

 

Bridge of Allan Hydropathic, Library of Congress http://www.loc.gov/pictures/item/2001703595/ [Accessed 29/01/2015]

 

Dundee Directories, transcribed and hosted by Friends of Dundee City Archives http://www.fdca.org.uk/Dundee_Directories.html [Accessed 29/01/2015]

 

Dr Thomas Linn, Where to Send Patients Abroad for Mineral and Other Water Cures and Climatic Treatment (George S. Davis: Michigan, 1894), The Internet Archive https://archive.org/details/wheretosendpati00linngoog [Accessed 29/01/2015]

 

New exchange and Shipping from West Dock Gate, from Charles Mackie’s, Historical Description of the Town of Dundee (1836) http://www.electricscotland.com/history/dundee/ [Accessed 29/01/2015]

 

Oppenheim, ‘Shattered Nerves’: Doctors, Patients, and Depression in Victorian England (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991).

 

Photographs of Nineteenth-Century Dundee, http://photopolis.dundeecity.gov.uk/ [Accessed 29/01/2015]

 

D.J. Pounder, ‘Law and Forensic Medicine in Scotland’, The American Journal of Forensic Medicine and Pathology, 14, 4 (1993): pp. 340-49.

 

K.D. Watson, Forensic Medicine in Western Society: A History (Routledge: London, 2011).

Faith and fortune maketh the man…or, the butler did it.

Image1_AmosBarton The Rev. Amos Barton and his Family (c.1863);
by Peter Paul Marshall (Scottish, 1830-1900). Oil on panel (Copyright unknown)

 

In Scenes of Clerical Life (1858) the author George Eliot asks the reader how the uncharismatic Amos Barton, a curate living in 1820 in the fictional village of Shepperton on an income of £80 a year, could be expected to support a wife and 6 children and live decently in the way expected of a clergyman. Whilst clerical incomes had improved greatly across the previous century, in the 19th century there was still great disparity and they were still regarded as deficient in comparison to middle-class income generally. A typical lower middle-class income range was anywhere from £60 to £200, however many thought that an income of closer to £400 was more suitable as it would situate the clergyman in the ranks of the upper-middle-class professionals. In reality incomes for clergy were as varied as the clergy themselves and depended on parish resources. A “living” (a post for a rector or vicar) would in theory support a wife but a curate without a “living” would find this more challenging and could wait many years before a “living” became available. It was common for members of the clergy to supplement their parish incomes by taking on additional employments associated with the church such as teaching. Inheriting a private income or marrying well, although more common in fiction than reality, could of course be extremely helpful. One of the second generation clergymen in the Victorian Professions Project’s database did just that!

Robert Addison Watson (b.1847. Scarborough) was the son of a Wesleyan Minister, John Watson (b.1801. Hull) and his wife Anne (b.1812. Hickling, Nottinghamshire). Residing in Scarborough and Leeds initially, he was sent away to school in Chalcombe in Somerset. In the 1881 census he is recorded as a curate of St. Mary’s at Taunton, Somerset. He is married to Gertrude Oakes Hardstaff (b. 1858. Hatch Beauchamp, Somerset) – a young woman elevated by her father Henry’s significant change in fortune.

Methodist Henry Hardstaff was a man whose story could have been drawn from the pages of a Victorian novel. Born in Mansfield, Nottinghamshire in around 1802, only his mother’s name (Mary Hardstaff) was given on the record of his christening. Henry worked his way up the ranks of domestic servants to become the butler at Hatch Court, a substantial residence in Hatch Beauchamp, Somerset, where he served his master, William Oakes (b.1787. Kirton, Nottinghamshire) for many years.

Image2_HatchCourt

Photograph of Hatch Court, taken c. 2000

 

William Oakes owned Hatch Court from 1838 until his death in 1855, aged 68. Hatch Court is a Bath-stone Palladian house built in 1750 by Thomas Prowse. Today it is Grade 1 listed and was valued at £3million back in 2000.* In his will he left his lands, tenements and estates to his much younger second wife Sarah (b.1820. Plymouth), unless that is she remarried. If she married again she would instead have £350 a year and the estate was to be given to Henry Hardstaff, his butler. Clearly widowhood didn’t suit her. Just three years later the Royal Cornwall Gazette (3 Sep 1858) reported that Sarah Oakes (now aged 41) had become Sarah Luscombe, wife of William Luscombe (b.1811. Plymouth), his Netherland’s Majesty’s Vice Consul. In 1861 they can be found living very well in Compton Hall, Plympton, Devon, accompanied by their housekeeper, lady’s maid, two servants and a footman. In addition to her £350 per annum, Sarah did get to keep the deer, horses, carriages, plate, jewels and furniture but these too were to pass to Henry Hardstaff on her death. The executor to the will of William Oakes – the person responsible for making sure this all happened – was Henry Hardstaff himself. When he died in 1872 his probate calendar entry indicates significant wealth with effects ‘under £45,000’i.e. around this figure.

Image4_WilliamOakesWill

Section of the will of William Oakes

 

From the perspective of the Victorian Professions team, what happens next is very important. How socially mobile are this family? Do the Hardstaff daughters now marry well and what do the son’s do? Of the elder children, Mary (b.1833. Shirland, Derbyshire) and Catherine Hardstaff (b.1835. Shirland, Derbyshire) were already of full age at 25 and 23 years of age when their father became a landed proprietor. Perhaps their path had already been set? Mary’s fortunes were certainly very different to the rest of her siblings. She had already married grocer and draper, Joseph Pym Turton (b.1824. Ripley, Derbyshire) in 1856 – after William Oakes’ death but before her father inherited the estate. By 1871, the census reveals, Mary and Joseph had 7 children and Joseph was employing 1 man and 1 boy in the shop. By 1891, perhaps in semi-retirement (aged 67), Joseph had become an assistant tea dealer. Their daughters by this time have been sent out to work and are a dressmaker, a small-ware dealer, hosiery runner (x 2) and a milliner’s apprentice respectively. Their remaining son is a surgical appliance maker. The eldest child, Joseph Pym jnr, had already moved on and would eventually emigrate to the US in 1881. He is found in New York in 1910 working as a contractor and in 1925 as a janitor.

In contrast, Mary’s sister Catherine married William Taunton Plowman in 1859. The 1861 census records his occupation as M.D. and General Practitioner (St. Andrews 1854; L.S.A. London 1858). He was the son of Henry Plowman, surgeon (b.1781. Dorset, England). Unfortunately he died at sea in 1865, with his death recorded in Brisbane, Australia. A couple of years earlier, The Courier (Brisbane) reported on a Supreme Court wounding case in which he gave evidence as the surgeon on board the vessel the Young Australian. According to family history sources, returning from a second voyage to Australia in 1865, he left Moreton Bay, Queensland on April 1st onboard the Fieray Star. On the 20th April he abandoned the ship in one of the boats due to a fire and was never seen again! What of William and Catherine’s children? Catherine’s daughter Frances from her first marriage was a lifelong spinster. Her son William died as a baby but she did go on to have other sons with her second husband. Her second husband was a solicitor, James A Rouse (b.1817. St. Breock, Cornwall), and together they lived a little more affluently than her elder sister’s family, with 2-3 servants to assist them. When James died in 1888, he left her an estate of almost £10,000. Their sons Randolphus (b.1872. North Curry, Somerset) and Claud Rufus Algernon (b.1876. North Curry, Somerset) then seem to have lived largely on their own means, themselves leaving healthy estates of over £9000 and £6000 respectively.

Turning to the younger Hardstaff children: Jane was 12 at the time of the inheritance and when she was twenty she married into a professional family, as her sister Catherine had done before her. She became a surgeon’s wife in 1866, marrying Richard Augustus Rouse (b.1833. Great Torrington, Devon). Richard himself was the son of a surgeon and apothecary, Richard B Rouse (b.1801. Great Torrington, Devon). Jane and Richard appear to have lived comfortably with four servants and a groom. After Richard’s death, Jane and her youngest children eventually moved back to live with her brothers at Hatch Court. Her eldest son Richard Henry became a branch bank manager but her younger children, Mary and Augustus William, lived on their own means. [Although it seems likely, it is not clear whether James and Richard Rouse were related.]

Henry Hardstaff’s fourth daughter, Martha Elizabeth (b.1857. Hatch Beauchamp, Somerset) was born around the time of the inheritance and married the up and coming Goodbarne Wilson (b.1855, Taunton, Somerset). Goodbarne was a bank clerk on his way to county bank manager. He was the son of a retired farmer, Rowland Francis Wilson (b.1803. Alford, Lincolnshire.) Martha and Goodbarne’s son Ralph (b.1884. St. Decumans, somerset) himself became a farmer at a young age, rather than following in his father’s footsteps. However it is possible that he inherited the farm and what he did after the 1911 census when he was only in his early twenties is unknown.

Gertrude, who we have already met earlier in this blog post, was the youngest daughter and married into a family of clergymen picked up in the Victorian Professions Project database, with whom we began this story. Robert Addison Watson was a graduate of Queens College, Oxford (M.A.) and his career in the established church brought him to Gertrude’s parish, St. Mary’s in Taunton, as the curate. A gushing description of their June wedding was given over a third of a column in the Taunton Courier in 1881. The ceremony was held at the Hardstaff family home, Hatch Court, where triumphal arches were erected. Her father already having passed away, Gertrude was given away by her brother-in-law, solicitor James Rouse. She wore a dress of ‘cream satin de merveilleux, trimmed with lace and flowers’, with a tulle veil with wreaths of orange blossoms. The presents were ‘numerous and valuable’ and included a bound volume of Tennyson’s poems, hand painted desert dishes and a handsome silver tea service. That evening the event was commemorated by a tea party provided for by the bridegroom for 160 of the poorer parishioners and chorister boys. The couple took a honeymoon in the Channel Islands, after a driving tour of Devon and Cornwall. On his return Robert continued his career, taking up a “living” as the Rector at Slaugham in Sussex. Looking at the census and their probate records, Gertrude and Robert do not appear to have had children.

Image3_GertrudeOakesProbate

 

Calendar of Probate entry for Gertrude Oakes Watson

 

It would seem that all the Hardstaff daughters married into the professions, ranging from the very well established to the newly professionalized bankers. Holding considerable assets and with an estate to manage but no need to earn a living, The Hardstaff sons could afford to live as gentlemen. It is curious that neither married. Each left a substantial estate on their death: Richard Henry (b.1856. Hatch Beauchamp, Somerset) left £11,201 4s. 2d. in 1891 and William Charles (b.1848. Hatch Beauchamp, Somerset) left £19391 13s. 3d. in 1898. Both estates were proved by their brother-in-law, Goodbarne Wilson, who himself left a tidy fortune.

Image5_GoodbarneWilsonProbate

Calendar of Probate entry for Goodbarne Wilson

 

Gertrude, the youngest daughter and the clergyman’s wife, seems to have inherited the heart of the Hardstaff estate. When she died in Newton Abbot in 1942, aged 84, she left £42,003 0s. 8d. to her sister Martha’s daughter, Gertrude Victoria Rouse, wife of bank manager Herbert Forster Whitley (b.1874. Bath, Somerset), whose own name pops up frequently in the families probate bequests. Henry Hardstaff’s eldest daughter, Mary, who became the draper’s wife, isn’t found in the probate records and neither is her husband. Perhaps she had little of note to leave.

by Dr. Alison C. Kay

Footnotes

* Hatch Court is a Bath-stone Palladian house built in 1750 by Thomas Prowse and is now a Grade 1 listed property. Advertised for sale in 2000*, it was priced at £3million and described as having 9 bedrooms, numerous bathrooms, dressing rooms and an orangery, along with 33 acres. Its TV credits include the BBC’s Sense and Sensibility. Hatch Court was sold by the Hardstaff family in 1899. A full description of can be found on the Images of England website: http://www.imagesofengland.org.uk/Details/Default.aspx?id=270804 [Last accessed on 8/1/2015].

http://www.telegraph.co.uk/property/4809479/Good-sense-and-sensibility.html [Last accessed on 8/1/2015].

 

Useful links

TNA link to the will of William Oakes: http://discovery.nationalarchives.gov.uk/details/r/D42629 [Last accessed on 8/1/2015).

 

William Taunton Plowman:

The Courier (Brisbane), Wednesday 19 August, 1863. (Last accessed via Trove Digitised Newspapers on 8/1/2015).

Fire on the Fieray Starhttp://forums.compuserve.com/n/docs/docDownload.aspx?webtag=ws-genealogy&guid=d0a9640a-c7f1-4b6e-acdf-fb1571465ef6 (Last accessed on 8/1/2015)

 

Wedding of Gertrude Hardstaff and Robert Addison Watson in the Taunton Courier: ‘Fashionable Marriage at Hatch Beauchamp’ , Taunton Courier, 29 June, 1881, p.6). (Last accessed via www.findmypast.co.uk, 8/1/2015).